The piers are pummelled by the waves; In a lonely field the rain Lashes an abandoned train; Outlaws fill the mountain caves. Fantastic grow the evening gowns; Agents of the Fisc pursue Absconding tax-defaulters through The sewers of provincial towns. Private rites of magic send The temple prostitutes to sleep; All the literati keep An imaginary friend. Cerebrotonic Cato may Extol the Ancient Disciplines, But the muscle-bound Marines Mutiny for food and pay. Caesar's double-bed is warm As an unimportant clerk Writes |
Monday, March 22, 2010
The Fall of Rome
by W.H. Auden
I DO NOT LIKE MY WORK On a pink official form. Unendowed with wealth or pity, Little birds with scarlet legs, Sitting on their speckled eggs, Eye each flu-infected city. Altogether elsewhere, vast Herds of reindeer move across Miles and miles of golden moss, Silently and very fast.
Monday, March 08, 2010
Friedman's Fools and Krugman's Kronies
“A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds.” -Ralph Waldo Emerson
Since the earthquake struck Chile a little over a week ago, the opinion press in the United States has run rampant with polarised ideological pieces lauding Milton Friedman and Augusto Pinochet on one side and condemning him in favour of Marxist Salvadore Allende on the other. The Wall Street Journal and the triage of Krugman, the Huffington Post, and Salon have battled each other with useless rants based on a tenuous grasp of the facts.
Life and economics are messy businesses, and economic theory (on either side of the spectrum) rarely accommodates reality. Chile, like all macroeconomic success stories, lacks a history that falls neatly along any ideological lines.
Massive privatizations of state-owned enterprises, the strict protection of private property, deregulation, and free trade have driven the country’s prosperity, attracted tens of billions in foreign investment, and have made Chile the most developed country in Latin America. Simultaneously, strict building codes, the surpluses from state-owned copper giant Codelco, and the state-funded nascence of the salmon farming industry in the 1980s have made Chile the diversified and stable country with a resistance to the effects of earthquakes.
To call the country a mixed economy would be too obvious, as every economy in the world (save perhaps North Korea, Zimbabwe, Cuba and a few others) is in some way a mixed economy with some market mechanisms and some state control.
What ultimately differentiates Chile from its neighbours in the region (and with countries like Haiti) is that ideology has actually played very little role in policymaking in the last 30+ years, and successive governments have eschewed most interventionist policies in the economy while maintaining those that seemed to work. The right-wing dictatorship of Pinochet pursued both free market and statist economic policies, as has the centre-left Concertacion since the return to democracy. And the new centre-right government of Sebastian Piñera will have more in common with Concertacion than not.
This no doubt frustrates both the Krugmanites and the Friedman sycophants who want to turn every disjointed bit of data in other countries into an indisputable case for their respective partisan ideological claims in the United States, a country with more than 17 times as many people as Chile, an economy 88 times larger, and with a radically different historical context.
Chile has neither vindicated Keynes nor substantiated Friedman. What it has proven, however, is that:
- People, when left alone in most matters, are more productive and more prosperous than people whose lives are subject to constant meddling.
- Private property protection is a necessary prerequisite for foreign investment.
- State encouragement of targeted new industries where the country has a competitive advantage can work.
- Saving rather than deficit spending promotes stability (even if it is achieved through a state-owned copper company).
- Litigious countries discourage economic growth (Chile is notoriously not litigious).
- Lack of government corruption and faith in institutions engenders an honest citizenry (How many other countries could convince looters to return stolen merchandise after a natural disaster?)
- Building codes in earthquake-prone countries prevent people from dying.
- Free trade, even if unilateral, creates unparalleled prosperity and discourages countries from militancy.
If people wonder how Chile could have developed so differently from Argentina or Venezuela, for example, there is a clear historical answer: for some reason, throughout Chile’s recent history, the country has been run by mature people who more often than not put their country’s interests above their own political power and above their own political ideology. Pinochet gave up power willingly after losing the plebiscite of 1988, the first president after the return to democracy refused to extend his term in spite of his immense popularity, and in 2010, the Concertacion has handed over power to the centre-right amicably, even after more than 20 years in power.
Other countries in Latin America and the various emerging economies of the rest of the world would do well to imitate Chile in this basic premise--that ideology and personality cults do not bring nations to sustained prosperity: hard work, reason, and flexibility do.
Monday, March 01, 2010
A Tale of Two Chiles
This past weekend's earthquake exposes a geographic and cultural rift in South America's strongest, most stable, and most resilient country that the incoming government must address if it desires to sustain the miraculous economic development that this country has enjoyed over the last two and a half decades. Having recently returned from a trip to the South of Chile myself, and having been in Santiago for nearly the last two years, I am struck by the developmental disparities. In the more touristic city of Puerto Varas, one might find modern 4 star hotels, nice restaurants, clean streets, new buildings, and modern grocery stores. But the surrounding towns cause one a bit of a time warp, with old, unrenovated houses, small local markets, and deteriorating infrastructure. Compared to the steel and glass high rises and hypermarkets of Santiago's Las Condes or Vitacura comunas, one might think they had been transported to another country. Growing up in rural northwest Arkansas has given me a reasonable perspective on the subject, however, for Chile's problems are little different from the same problems facing largely rural areas in the highly developed economies of the United States and Canada. The urban-rural divide is perhaps not a problem to be solved, but a reality to be dealt with over the course of time. However, my own home town of Bentonville is an excellent example of how a rural, small-town community can be transformed into a hotbed of commerce and innovation by the presence of entrepreneurship and market forces. Chile does not need another Santiago in the same way that the United States does not need another New York City. But Chile needs a Bentonville, a Redmond, a Cupertino, an Omaha, and a Research Triangle spread over its beautiful and diverse 2,600 mile corner of paradise, wedged between the mighty Andes mountains and the cold blue Pacific Ocean. The new government, personally led by entrepreneur and billionaire Sebastian Piñera (who also holds a PhD in Economics from Harvard) has this challenge ahead of it. His dynamic teams at both the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of Planning and Development should work to design attractive market mechanisms to draw industry, culture, and entrepreneurs from all over the world, while encouraging the talents of its (by Latin American standards) highly educated population to be directed toward entrepreneurship as well. So many developing economies have made the mistake of offering temporary gimmicks and short-term tax breaks to attract foreign investment, and for the most part Chile has avoided this temptation (and should continue to do so), but the country is reaching the limits of current policy and incentives. Santiago is bursting at the seams, and is sprawling into the valleys outside the city in search of lower-cost real estate. The further development of Santiago will undoubtedly come at costs, even while Chile is among the least densely populated countries in the world. The right permanent shifts in tax policy combined with a few strategic investments in infrastructure could transform the unipolar economy of Chile, centered around Santiago, into a bustling and diverse nation with several regional economic hubs that lift millions into the global middle class, eradicate poverty, and transform Chile into the Hong Kong or the Singapore of the Western Hemisphere. The 5th freest economy in the world already (according to the CATO institute), Chile is poised for this transformation, but political speeches and mere desire alone are insufficient to inaugurate the necessary legal and cultural changes. If the cities of southern Chile were as well developed as Santiago, the human tragedy of this weekend's earthquake would have been substantially mitigated, and the impact in the South would have been closer to the minor impact it has had on the city of Santiago. The question is: does the new government have the the will and the creativity to aid in this transformation, or will it let inertia dictate its developmental agenda?
Sunday, February 28, 2010
Still Standing in Santiago
When I moved to Santiago, Chile nearly 2 years ago, I knew that at some point I would experience a massive earthquake. This weekend, that experience transpired, and I am happy to report that we escaped unscathed, and did not even sustain any property damage. Undoubtedly, we have been quite fortunate, as the people in other parts of Santiago have been harder hit, and the people in the South of Chile have been devastated. However, if there is anything I have learned from this experience, witnessing first hand a major natural disaster in a foreign country, it is that the English-language media is not only comprised of wild-eyed hysterics, but they are abjectly irresponsible in the manner of their reporting to the point of crossing numerous ethical boundaries in their attempt to create sensational headlines and sell their news. Contrary to the headlines of widespread looting and panic, a drive around many parts of Santiago would reveal the diametric opposite. Traffic is flowing as normal, though slightly-longer-than-average lines at the gas stations might make one wonder if there is a long holiday weekend coming up. A few signs are crooked, or even downed, and a few buildings have glass panes that have been broken out. Other parts of Santiago have sustained more damage, to be sure, but there have been no gangs of marauders darting from house to house or business to business taking everything in sight. On the contrary, the subway in Santiago is already back online, and in this city of nearly 6 million, only 300,000 are still without electricity (though I happen to be among them). The human tragedy in Concepcion, Talca, Constitution, and other cities in the South of Chile is unquestionable. Yet, what has happened here is nothing in comparison with the chaos and panic witnessed recently in Haiti, and the quake here was much stronger. Chile should be commended for its remarkable preparedness in both the quality of the construction of its buildings, in addition to the preparedness of its medical and law enforcement personnel, which have prevented any semblance of anarchy from emerging onto the scene. Most grocery stores in the eastern part of Santiago are now re-opened, and I am typing from a stable WiFi connection in the restaurant of a hotel here, with the hopes that my power will be restored in the next few hours. We in Santiago are the lucky ones, and my prayers go out to the people in the South as they begin rebuilding their lives. One thing I can state confidently about the Chilean people, after my interactions with them over the last 2 years is that they will rebuild stronger than ever, recover faster than virtually any other group of people from a similar type of disaster, and they will be even better prepared for the next disaster than they were for this one. Such resilience is a rare find, but it is found in abundance is this sturdy Republic at the end of the world.
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
Why I Support Ben Bernanke's Confirmation
The Federal Reserve is a broken institution predicated on inflationary, boom & bust principles, the intellectually and morally bankrupt concept of fractional reserve banking, and the concentration of the benefits of credit in the hands of government and a few privileged elites. The institution itself needs serious reform at the least, or else it needs to be disbanded altogether and replaced with a system of market-driven credit and interest rates. Ben Bernanke has by all accounts been a crafty Fed Chairman, though that is not necessarily a compliment. He is a dire inflationist, and spends too much time studying the wrong aspects of the Great Depression. I generally think he has engaged in and covered up massive and widespread fraud through the private Federal Reserve Bank of New York. But in spite all of this, I think he should be re-confirmed. Like everything in the politics of a democracy, we do not choose leaders in a vacuum; the choice is always between and amongst a variety of alternatives. So the real reason I support Ben Bernanke is that I am mortified of the alternative: The Elephantine Ego that is Larry Summers.
Wednesday, January 20, 2010
Paul Krugman, The Great Nobel Joke: Part I
Paul Krugman recently wrote a blatantly fallacious and purely political bit of nonsense (no surprise) entitled "Learning From Europe."
When I read it, I considered writing a response, but fortunately, these guys did it for me. Funny that France has a lower per capita GDP than Arkansas. Ouch.
Tuesday, January 19, 2010
When the Dust Settles, Leftists are all the Same
The Austrian School economists have long held that moderate government involvement in the economy always leads to total government, and that it is merely a matter of time. It seems that there is a corollary: all Left/Centre-Left politicians are merely Marxists constrained by their political climate, and that given the chance, they would all become a Chavez or a Castro.
Our closeted Marxist of the day is none other than Gordon Brown, the bumbling buffoon who, thanks only to the fact that he was a necessary tool in the grander political designs of Lord Mandelson, continues to be the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (or, in a post-Lisbon Treaty world, perhaps we should begin referring to it as the United Fiefdom).
Anybody who follows the British press will know about the near-mass hysteria over Kraft's attempted buy-out of British candy maker Cadbury. Much of the hysteria has simply been popular nostalgia over the continued loss of Britishness, but today, Gordon Brown has decided to insinuate himself in the matter, by warning Kraft not to make any money in its investment by trimming costs:
Such populist muddle should not be surprising from a beleaguered politician whose days at No. 10 are growing few, but what we should recognize is the remarkable parallels between Mr Brown and the recent actions of the glorious leader of that bastion of stability and prosperity euphemistically known as the "Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela."
Mr Chavez recently took steps to devalue the Venezuelan currency (which anybody with an elementary understanding of economics will know leads necessarily to inflation), and then declared that any companies, large or small, that dared raise their prices (a requirement, if they had any desire to stay financially viable) would be shut down and assets confiscated. Nobody can possibly be permitted to thwart the political designs of the central planners, because the history of government-imposed industrial and pricing policy has such a record of success--like the 30 million people who died as a result of Mao's Great Leap Forward, or the catastrophic poverty in the Soviet Union.
So Mr Brown may not be dispatching Scotland Yard to shut down a Kraft-owned Cadbury in the event of some cost-trimming, but we shouldn't be surprised if he concocts a specialized bonus tax that only applies to American-owned subsidiaries of food conglomerates who acquired their British operation in the last 5 years. Rather than a total confiscation, it would merely be a partial confiscation, in the form of tax. Alas for Mr Brown, his central planning would be so much easier to implement if he were the dictator of an oil-rich country. But, at least for now, the remnants of English law and the political will of the Britons will constrain him.
Monday, January 18, 2010
Chilean Stock Market Surges on Election Results
The Wall Street Journal reports that Chile's Blue Chip Index, IPSA, has surged 0.6% on the outcome of the second round in yesterday's presidential election.
With the substantial bolstering of financial markets in Panama after the election of Ricardo Martinelli and now the same happening with the victory of Sebastian Piñera in Chile, other Latin countries with elections on the horizon (especially Peru and Colombia) will hopefully be following suit. For a region that has suffered mightily under the hands of interventionist governments, the healing process is beginning, and the economic future of Latin America appears to be getting better by the day.
Chilean Presidential Election News Articles
For those who want to read a bit more on the historic election in Chile:
Sunday, January 17, 2010
Chile Elects Free Market President
With about 60% of the votes counted, free market candidate (and billionaire businessman) Sebastian Piñera appears to have won Chile's presidential election, making him the first popularly elected centre-right president since 1958. Center-left candidate and former President Eduardo Frei has conceded the race to Piñera.
Piñera joins Panama's Ricardo Martinelli amongst Latin America's entrepreneurial free market leaders, setting the stage for a renewed period of economic growth in Latin America's freest and most prosperous (per capita) country.
Thursday, January 07, 2010
Political Stability and Fiscal Discipline
Carl Delfeld in SeekingAlpha today, writes:
Emerging markets (and developed markets) everywhere can learn from Chile's experience. Manage your resources responsibly, keep your politicians' crooked fingers out of the treasury, open your economy to the world, and reduce regulation, and you can not only insulate yourself from massive financial shocks, but position yourself to attract foreign capital and entrepreneurship as well as inspire it from within.
I am proud to call Chile home.
Wednesday, January 06, 2010
Paying for the Health Care Bill
I have an idea for Nancy and Harry-- 25% VAT on attorneys' invoices. With the US legal industry raking in about $230 Billion per year, that would be $57 Billion in added revenue. It would have the added benefit of raising legal costs on the end user and reducing the demand for legal services. I would also propose a 50% "windfall" tax on attorneys fees derived from so-called "blockbuster" punitive damage awards. I couldn't readily find the statistics on that, but it seems like another good place to squeeze out some revenue that isn't shouldered by the productive class.
Tuesday, January 05, 2010
Why Federalism Always Turns to Bullying
Writing in a Wall Street Journal blog, Ian Martin observed today that the veto by Iceland's president of a bill to compensate British and Dutch depositors for the $5.5 billion in losses sustained when the bank Icesave collapsed last year could scuttle Iceland's chances of admission to the European Union. The bill will now be submitted to a popular referendum. Martin notes:
"Here one suspects that the Icelanders are about to find out how the EU works. If they dare vote no in a referendum, they can always be asked to vote again, and again and again. Until they get the right answer."
Martin was of course alluding to the sham that was the second Irish referendum on the European Constitution Lisbon Treaty, where the Irish were bullied by the Brussels power elites and mammoth bureaucracy into going along to get along. The people of France and the Netherlands had previously rejected the European Constitution, and it was renamed "Lisbon Treaty" and rammed through Europe's parliaments as a mere emendation to the Treaty of Rome thus avoiding the nastiness of democracy. The Irish Constitution required a referendum for Ireland to ratify Lisbon, and as a result it was the only country to actually subject the document to a referendum.
Ireland rejected Lisbon in the first referendum, and a second one was held late last year, when it was at last ratified under heavy pressure from the European machinery.
This situation, and something not dissimilar on the horizon for Iceland beg the question--does federalism really serve its stated purposes?
As somebody who has traditionally been a committed believer in federalism, I now must express serious doubts. There is certainly great benefit to small, local government. The massive success of the modern city states of Hong Kong, Macau, and Singapore attest to this, as does the relative success of the smaller Soviet successor states like Estonia compared to larger ones such as Ukraine. This is not to say that smallness is an economic panacea, as there are plenty of examples of large successful countries and small poor ones.
The United States was historically the shining example of federalism's success--a perfectly struck balance of power between the national government and its 50 constituent parts. But Progressivism (especially with the advent of the Income Tax, the Direct Election of Senators, and the creation of the Federal Reserve) followed by the two World Wars and the New Deal substantially eroded this balance, and the subsequent decades only exacerbated this process, supported by a series of complicit Supreme Courts' universalist interpretation of the Commerce Clause.
The U.S. Congress is now the embodiment of federalist bullying, with the representatives of the various states being bribed and threatened to support legislation or risk being excluded from the doling out of fiscal goodies, which self-serving members of Congress rely on to secure their own re-election.
The justification behind federalism is a deluded belief that political union with other economically interested peoples is necessary to foster economic cooperation and coordinated security policy. This was the reason the thirteen sovereign republics of Atlantic North America abandoned their confederation in favor of a federation. This was the reason the culturally and economically diverse peoples of Europe originally began the process of integration. But as soon as power began to flow from Paris, London, and Berlin into Brussels, the people controlling Brussels had a sudden interest in expanding the size and scope of the political union, and threatened those who dared oppose that expansion with "exclusion" in much the same way heretics were excommunicated by the Papacy as a method to eliminate threats to its political power.
If this is the ultimate reality of federalism, it is no wonder that small republics like Chile have outperformed larger federations like Argentina and Mexico.
We should learn a distinct lesson from this as we make prescriptions for the world's economic ills:
"Cooperation" is all too often a political euphemism for coercion.
Sunday, January 03, 2010
Thursday, December 31, 2009
Drinking Largely in 2010
I will forever be indebted to me high school English teacher, Mrs Southern (who sadly passed away this year) for assigning me to memorize an excerpt from Alexander Pope's An Essay on Criticism. It seems a fitting end to 2009, and a fitting beginning to 2010 to reflect on Pope's words:
A little Learning is a dang'rous Thing;
Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian Spring:
There shallow Draughts intoxicate the Brain,
And drinking largely sobers us again.
Fir'd at first Sight with what the Muse imparts,
In fearless Youth we tempt the Heights of Arts,
While from the bounded Level of our Mind,
Short Views we take, nor see the lengths behind,
But more advanc'd, behold with strange Surprize
New, distant Scenes of endless Science rise!
So pleas'd at first, the towring Alps we try,
Mount o'er the Vales, and seem to tread the Sky;
Th' Eternal Snows appear already past,
And the first Clouds and Mountains seem the last:
But those attain'd, we tremble to survey
The growing Labours of the lengthen'd Way,
Th' increasing Prospect tires our wandering Eyes,
Hills peep o'er Hills, and Alps on Alps arise!
It has been 5 years since I took the picture at the top of this post (Wrangell-St. Elias National Park in Alaska), but it wasn't until today that I made the connection between the picture and the Pope poem.
I do not feel the need to give a lengthy analysis of the poem and the picture, as I am often wont to do. I think they speak for themselves.
So, to a 2010 of drinking largely and tasting the Pierian Spring--Salut.
Thursday, December 03, 2009
The Constitutional Guard
America needs a special set of talented, intelligent, selfless public servants right now. 1,070 of them to be exact. That number represents 2 people for every Member of the House of Representatives and 2 people for every Senator. Their purpose would be to stand as the Shadow Members of Congress, leading the monitoring effort of every bill, every vote, every taxpayer-funded junket, and hold them accountable in the public eye in their respective constituencies. And then, when that member breaks the public trust, violates major campaign promises, or otherwise sells out the people for a campaign contribution or a posh committee appointment, these noble Constitutional Guards would be ready to run and unseat the incumbent with a pledge to only serve one term. The second guard would exist to make sure the first guard kept his or her commitment to serving only one term. After serving a term and stepping down, the Constitutional Guard would make the seat open for potential longer-term occupants to vie against each other without the uphill battle of fighting incumbency. I would envision each district's Constitutional Guard operation would have an active blog, YouTube Channel, Facebook profile, and Twitter. In real time, these public servants would keep the constituents of each district abreast of federal government intrusions into their lives, budget busting appropriations bills, and all of the other chicanery that takes place, unchecked, every single day in Washington, DC. The Constitutional Guard organization would be able to negotiate commitments with incumbent members of Congress, getting them to pledge not to raise taxes, pledging to vote only for balanced budgets, etc. Unlike current election pledges, these would come with teeth: You violate the pledge, and you will have a serious, credible opponent in your next re-election. Establishing informal institutions like the Constitutional Guard has the merit of circumventing other proposed reform measures that would be Dead on Arrival thanks to the political elites' desire to protect their own interests. This plan requires no constitutional amendments, no legislation, nothing at all that isn't already available to the people under the current system. But this novel and unique approach, applied nationally, could radically transform American political institutions into ones that serve The People, advance liberty rather than encroach upon it, and keep the financial and political elites permanently in check. This may be the last viable option we have to keep the Union from breaking apart in a wave of secessions. That tipping point is not far away. Either we rein in Congress or States will start considering their other options. Given those alternatives, I say it is worth trying to salvage the system we have.
Tuesday, September 29, 2009
Politics is More Uncivil than you Think
With the intensified rhetoric from both sides of the political aisle in the United States, there have been increasing calls from the punditry for "more civil discourse." This rhetoric is itself uncivil, since the pundits are not calling for a return to genuine civility (if it ever existed) but rather a return to the niceties and pleasantries of "polite politics." Genuine civility, as M. Scott Peck defines it in his book about Civility, A World Waiting to be Born, is "consciously motivated organizational behavior in submission to a Higher Power."
Our politics is, if anything, far from conscious and even farther from being in submission to a Higher Power. We live in a world that is increasingly predicated on coercion, especially of the State kind. Ideally of course, the State exists to prevent coercion, whether it comes in the form of force (murder, rape, assault, etc.) or fraud (Madoff). The State however, has throughout history been at least as guilty of the commission of force and fraud as private citizens have, and in many egregious instances, the results are even more devastating (the Holocaust, Japanese Internment, Nuclear Warfare, The Great Leap Forward, and so on).
And yet, as much as I like to fantasize about a Stateless society (a world without government), I know that it is but a mere daydream, and highly unlikely to be achieved in my lifetime, if it is even achievable. Consequently, we must each individually, and within the context of the greater society, decide how we are to make our world function given the constraints as they currently are. This means that at least for the foreseeable future, the State is here to stay. Many of my libertarian friends will be aghast to read this proclamation, but we would all do well to accept it and then determine the best course of action for increasing liberty in our own lifetimes.
Few people would contest that American society is fundamentally broken. The Left believes it is because of too little State intervention. The Right believes it is because of too little Church intervention, and the Libertarians believe it is because of too much intervention from everybody. So the fight, rather than being about making society work for everybody, is about who can garner the most votes at the next election to impose their vision on everybody else. Nothing could be less civil.
Democrats treat the "Rich" as people to be exploited--for noble ends, of course--but exploited nonetheless. The Rich are a bunch of greedy people who made their money through ill-gotten gain, we are told, and they deserve to "pay their fair share" to everybody else. Who decides what a "fair share" is? The Democrats, of course.
The Republicans on the other hand treat the environment, third world labour, and the "masses" as objects for exploitation so that somebody can achieve his Randian vision of shrugging the atlas while at the same time viewing gays and other heteronormative people as deserving of oppression because they are nominally different than they are.
Each election, then, becomes about who gets to punish whom. This is a broken democracy.
If we are to save ourselves from killing each other, we must forge a new path, one that is based upon genuine civility and value for each other as individuals. We are not islands unto ourselves--but neither are we communes. Where we cannot agree, we must seek to find true consensus (not where "all bureaucrats agree" counts as a consensus) about how to proceed. Police power cannot and should not be used to enforce ideology, but it is what both sides do anyway.
In the coming weeks, I hope to write more about this subject, as I believe it is among the most important issues of our day, if not THE issue of our day. I do not live under any false pretenses that building a more civil society will be easy, or that even once achieved that it will be without significant problems. Life is about problems, and problem-solving. But perhaps if we do have a more civil society, we can solve these problems without trying to destroy one another.
Monday, September 28, 2009
When God Tricks Us
Most people lose their Vision by the end of their college years, or at least by the end of the first year of living in the "real world." Certainly I do not mean they have lost their physical ability to see, but rather their ability to see great things and a bright future ahead, a specific one of their own making. Vision is the foremost of prerequisites for successful entrepreneurship--sometimes it is the only thing we entrepreneurs even have. Without it, we are lost at sea, adrift and directionless. Entrepreneurial vision (which I mean broadly--one can be an entrepreneur in many fields, including law, medicine, education, politics, etc.--it is not limited to people who are in the world of commerce) is the engine that drives the progress of mankind, and although all entrepreneurs have a vision of changing the world, there is always some specific personal gain we all seek. For some, it is money and material possessions, for others, it is the satisfaction gained from the work itself, and for yet others it is leaving a "legacy." For most entrepreneurs it is some combination of all three of these things, but this desire for personal gain does not obliterate the astounding humanitarianism that always accompanies the Ethical Entrepreneur. I have come to realize, though, that entrepreneurial vision is not something we are born with, but is rather something we are called to. The word "vocation" comes from the same Latin root as the words "voice" and "vocal." It literally means "calling." Some of us are born with a sense of vocation to entrepreneurship generally--to change the world. But coming to and realizing our specific vocation (or, as is often the case, series of vocations) is a winding path with twists and turns that we would never have signed on for if we had known it all at the beginning. But this is one of the mysteries of God--his "trickery." I do not mean this pejoratively. The Divine Person is undoubtedly a witty and creative fellow--how else would we end up with animals as strange as Giraffes and Elephants and simultaneously foods so utilitarian and ordinary as the potato? As the Old Testament prophet said "[God's] thoughts are not our thoughts, nor his ways our ways. For his thoughts are higher than our thoughts and his ways higher than our ways." Sitting in the midst of the trying times of our vocation, we must all step back and look objectively at the circumstance, marveling at how we got to where we are. Rarely, if ever, the path is not only something we wouldn't have chosen, but it isn't even a path we could have expected or imagined. Sometimes we may even feel that God has tricked us into going down our present path with some short-term taste of the beauty that is life when we answer our calling. In this way, we must find it in ourselves to detach from our own narcissism and our desire to have accomplished things in our own time and with our own strategy and give Thanks for the mystery of God's methods, which at time may seem to us unorthodox at best, and cruel at worst. But when our calling is clear, it is that we must cling onto, and accept the pathways that are presented to us. There are many lessons to be learned along the paths we wouldn't choose for ourselves, and that is of course why we are called to go down them--so that we are prepared for the next run, whether here on Earth or in the hereafter.
Tuesday, June 16, 2009
Honesty & Optimism
I've gotten a lot of feedback so far on my post from earlier today on The Quadruple Down Recession, and one of the interesting things about the feedback is that there is on the one hand an objection to the "negativism" of my outlook on the other hand to its honesty. It confirmed an important tenet of my business philosophy (which developed as I witnessed the consequences of its inverse) that in our imperfect world, most optimism is simply not based on Truth. If there is one thing we must all cling to, it is Truth, no matter how unpleasant it might be. For if we avoid Truth in favor of our own concocted reality, then we will suffer significant psychological (and in the context of business, economic) pain.
Over the last few weeks I have been doing a slow re-read of M. Scott Peck's masterpiece The Road Less Traveled, which continues to rank as one of the most influential books on my life and philosophy. In the first section of his book, the one dedicated to Discipline, he discusses several techniques of dealing with the pain of problem-solving "which must continually be employed if our lives are to be healthy and our spirits are to grow." One of those tools he terms "dedication to reality."
Peck writes:
Superfically, this should be obvious. For truth is reality. That which is false is unreal. The more clearly we see the reality of the world, the better equipped we are to deal with the world. The less clearly we see the reality of the world--the more our minds are befuddled by falsehood, misperceptions and illusions--the less able we will be to determine correct courses of action and make wise decisions. Our view of reality is like a map with which to negotiate the terrain of life. If the map is true and accurate, we will generally know where we are, and if we have decided where we want to go, we will generally know how to get there. If the map is false and inaccurate, we will generally be lost. While this is obvious, it is something that most people to a greater or lesser degree chose to ignore. They ignore it because our route to reality is not easy.
How timelessly true this is, not only in our individual lives but in our corporate life also (I use this term in its original meaning, not in its modern economic context, though it certainly applies to that context as well) . Collectively, corporately, whether it is in our public policy-making for society as a whole or in our investment strategies, or our capital allocation strategies, we must be dedicated to reality, no matter how painful it is. Many people are much happier with living in a fantasy land. They want life to be as myopically twisted as Michael Jackson's Neverland Ranch.
These are the people, however, who bear the blame for the irresponsibility of the boom years. They were the Federal Reserve analysts and policy-makers who advocated continuing to hold interest rates artificially low in the aftermath of 9/11. They were the CEOs of Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns, and AIG, who either willfully or negligently believed that unbridled debt could propel their firms to historic prosperity in perpetuity. They were the realtors who sold houses to unwitting homebuyers with the promise of flipping the house for a mega-profit in only a few months. They were the homebuyers who left their common sense at the door and bought the snake oil the realtors were peddling. They were the investors in Bernie Madoff's ponzi scheme who never bothered to ask questions when their returns were too good to be true. They were the SEC investigators who ignored warnings that Madoff was a bad guy.
Unfortunately these people are not gone, they are simply with us in a new form today. They are the politicians promising us pain-free government panaceas to our economic woes. They are the Federal Reserve policy-makers who are repeating the mistakes that led to the 2001 tech bubble burst and the 2008 credit crisis. Yet the mistakes are simply being repeated on a much larger scale. They are the politicians promising "free" government health care with no cost to 98% of Americans. They are the people who are buying into this false promise.
How can we be so quickly forgetful? Rudyard Kipling, in his timeless poem, "The Gods of the Copybook Headings" observed this phenomenon thusly--
As it will be in the future, it was at the birth of man,
There are only four things certain since social progress began:
That the dog returns to his vomit, and the sow returns to her mire,
And the burnt fool's finger goes wobbling back to the fire.
There can be no optimism without brutal, transparent honesty. Optimism should arise out of a confidence in what we are going to do in response to our own problems, and how we will respond to the world's problems. That is warranted optimism, for it is something that is within our control. When our map reflects the way the world actually is, then we can respond accordingly. We do not have to worry about disappointment, because when we are dedicated to reality, there will be fewer unforeseen obstacles. What You See Is What You Get. Even when what you see is not what you like.
I am most optimistic when I am most real. Real about the present and about the future.
Is it pessimistic to say that the European Banks are insolvent? Is it pessimistic to discuss the $1.6 Trillion price tag of President Obama's health care plan? Is it pessimistic to acknowledge the prospects of inflation?
Not if these are the realities. And in acknowledging these realities we can find a source for warranted optimism: coming up with the alternatives and solutions to the negative reality we may face. I am not filled with hope when I hear a political speech full of empty promises and meaningless rhetoric. I am filled with hope when I spend an hour with my white board solving the next facet of the problems I face. That means acknowledging the problems I can't solve and coming up with a way to work around them, rather than locking myself in my room and crying because I can't wave a magic wand and make the problem go away.
I will close tonight with a final thought from Peck. It should be etched in our consciousnesses, both individually and collectively. It should guide our policy-makers, our business leaders, our voters, our households, our private equity & hedge fund managers, our bankers, and everybody else. It should also motivate us not only to dedicate ourselves to reality, but also to transparency about reality with all around us. This transparency, predicated on honest reality, is the source of trust, whether in a marriage or in a business partnership. If we all take Peck's counsel to heart, our world will be a far better place:
Truth or reality is avoided when it is painful. We can revise our maps only when we have the discipline to overcome that pain. To have such discipline, we must be totally dedicated to truth. That is to say that we must always hold truth, as best we can determine it, to be more important, more vital to our self-interest, than our comfort. Conversely, we must always consider our personal discomfort relatively unimportant and, indeed, even welcome it in the service of the search for truth. Mental health is an ongoing process of dedication to reality at all costs.
The Quadruple-Down?
With all of this talk about green shoots and recovery, you'd think that Ben Bernanke, Barack Obama, and Tim Geithner were living in a different reality. Just that they happen to be living in the same alternate reality as Mr. Market who seems to have infected Wall Street yet again. We are living in the midst of another bubble. The MSM in the United States has turned to happy talk, primarily out of their sworn duty to keep Barack Obama's popularity rating high, while neglecting their ethical responsibility to the Truth. The bubble this time is what I'd like to call the Recovery Bubble. It is built on hype, a lot of government spending, and a lot more fiat money created by the Federal Reserve. Incidentally it bears a close resemblance to the last bubble in all of those respects. But underneath the surface (even apart from the long-term implications of the U.S. government's unfunded liabilities in social security and medicare) there are several looming collapses that could trigger the next domino effect.
We looked at one of them yesterday in my article entitled Private Equity Hit & Run, where I analyzed a recent article from TheDeal.com discussing the maturation of more than $400 billion in senior debt in the Private Equity Market.
Today I'd like to discuss a few others. Nobody I have read so far in either the U.S. media or the foreign press has put all of the pieces of the defaults puzzle together, so I want to do that today.
(4) Inflation (The UK is our Canary in the Coal Mine)
Insolvent European Banks
It [European Central Bank] said it is expecting fresh bank writedowns to hit $283bn (£173bn) by the end of next year..."The deterioration in the macro-financial environment has continued to test the shock-absorption capacity of the euro-area financial system. Prospects for a significant turnaround in the short term are not promising," it said. In a ghastly day for Europe's lenders, Moody's downgraded 25 Spanish banks as rising defaults eat into reserves...The ECB's report said eurozone bank losses would reach $649bn by late 2010: split between $218bn on securities, largely written down already; and $431bn on loans, where the real damage lies. The banks have written down $150bn of loan losses so far. The report said accounting rules were lax in some countries and there may be "under-reporting". There is a risk that "write-off rates could increase by more than currently anticipated".
In what is another prooftext for the argument that no amount of regulation can prevent financial crises, the highly regulated banking system on the Continent, seems to be in even worse a position than the U.S. banks, including several that have been taken over by the FDIC. Western Europe is reeling from the near-default status of several Eurozone countries (Greece, Ireland, and Spain), while Northern Europe and Switzerland are on the hook for the now out of control downward spiral in Eastern Europe, especially Latvia. Sweden, which had previously been insulated from many of the problems besetting the rest of Continental Europe, is now acutely endangered by virtue of its disproportionate share of Latvia's consumer debt orgy. The Kronor's independence of the Euro had been one of the strengths of the Swedish economy. It could quickly turn into its Achilles' heel.
Assuming these write-downs are only as bad as projected, the situation looks grim, not only for a recovery in Europe, but in the United States as well. Europe's spuriously perceived resilience (particularly Germany, in light of its dogged refusal to engage in the government spending binge advocated by Gordon Brown and Barack Obama) was, if not a silver lining around the storm-clouds, at least a candle in the midst of pitch-darkness. Those ill-conceived notions are all but abandoned today, yet the American financial press and Mr. Market seem to ignore this fact regularly.
Massive write-downs in Europe can lead to only three outcomes:
(a) Government-bailouts
(b) Capital markets crowd-outs
(c) Defaults
(a) At least in Germany (assuming Angela Merkel's government is returned to power in the Autumn elections), the prospect of bailouts seems slim. However, Germany is in a classic catch-22. If they do not assist in preventing defaults in the rest of the Eurozone, they risk a severe devaluation of the Euro, hurting German purchasing power, and significantly altering the realities surrounding existing German industrial policy. If they do assist, however, they will only undermine their own national fiscal policy efforts to maintain a disciplined and reasonable approach to the situation in addition to the prospects of inflation that would be raised in light of massive pan-European bank bailouts (see #4 below for the implications of quantitative easing as a means for bank bailouts with the UK as our shining example).
(b) The European banks can of course go to the capital markets like the U.S. banks have, and raise additional capital. Investors in U.S. banks did not have the benefit of watching this process, and if they had, the banks would have either had greater difficulty in raising capital or else would have been forced to raise it at far less desirable valuations. European banks now must go to investors who have watched the continued drag on U.S. bank investors and consider the prospects of good returns in light of the foregoing reality. In my view, at least, this is why the European banks have not raised more capital from the private sector. Sovereign investors from Asia and the Middle East are shying away from the risk currently surrounding the developed world's banking system. Even if the Euro banks can raise capital in the private sector, the amount needed to sustain themselves through the next round of the crisis is likely to be so substantial that it will adversely affect other private sector enterprise on the Continent, forestalling recovery even longer.
(c) The specter of default must still loom on the horizon. Though the EU finance quango will not allow outright defaults, we must monitor the "behind the scenes" actions of the Eurocrats to discern when these pseudo-defaults are occurring. We will likely see some forced M&A activity tantamount to the BofA and JPM deals arranged by the Federal Reserve. Then there will be most likely a couple of "credit lifelines" tossed to then-Too Big To Fail banks rather than dozens of smaller bailouts. I do not expect honest outright defaults and bankruptcy proceedings simply because it will be too politically damaging for the Eurocrats who were drubbed in the recent European Parliament elections and who are scrambling to save face and stave off their doomsday scenario of a Referendum on the European Constitution Lisbon Treaty in the UK.
Given that there are no pain-free options here, it seems that the insolvency of Europe's banks poses an indeed significant barrier to the Developed World's recovery, and even more likely will contribute to a second crisis.
Credit Card Defaults
The troubles sound familiar. Borrowers falling behind on their payments. Defaults rising. Huge swaths of loans souring. Investors getting burned. But forget the now-familiar tales of mortgages gone bad. The next horror for the beaten-down financial firms is the $950 billion worth of outstanding credit-card debt--much of it toxic. That's bad news for players like JPMorgan Chase and Bank of America that have largely sidestepped--and even benefited from--the mortgage mess but have major credit-card operations. They're hardly alone. The consumer debt bomb is already beginning to spray shrapnel throughout the financial markets, further weakening the U.S. economy. "The next meltdown will be in credit cards," says Gregory Larkin, senior analyst at research firm Innovest Strategic Value Advisors. Adss William Black, senior vice-president of Moody's Investors Service's structured finance team: "We still haven't hit the post-recessionary peaks [in credit-card losses], so things will get worse before they get better." What's more, the U.S. Treasury Department's $700 billion mortgage bailout won't be a lifeline for credit-card issuers.
This would be bad enough under normal conditions, or even in a situation we are facing today on its face, but there is another layer of complexity that will make this segment of the crisis even more difficult to handle. Unlike the mortgage market, where there are assets (although devalued ones) to back up the bad debt, the revolving credit market does not benefit from simply repossessing the property the loans were used to acquire, since in many cases these revolving credit lines weren't used to buy any durable property at all. The cost of litigation is high, and not only is it not scalable, it suffers from the truth of the old adage about getting blood from a turnip. Suing consumers with no net worth is a losing prospect for everybody. So the financial institutions are going to have to absorb the losses and write them down. Market forces are cleaning out all of the misallocated capital in the economy, even as the government and the Federal Reserve system are trying to infuse more capital to prop up the malinvestment.
Furthermore, under normal circumstances, the credit card companies would have the ability to adjust the prices, terms, and conditions in order to recover some of their losses. Higher fees, higher interest rates, etc., could normally be employed to limit their damage. But Capitol Hill and the Obama Administration have made it clear that they will not allow this to happen, and are in the process of passing a series of new regulations under the guise of consumer protection that will only complicate matters further.
We should expect the Credit Card tailspin to double down the U.S. economy independent of any Hail Mary the Europeans can achieve with their banks.
U.S. Sovereign Debt Rating
Technical analyst Robert Prechter on Monday said he sees the United States losing its top AAA credit rating by the end of 2010, as he stuck by a deeply bearish outlook on the U.S. economy and stock market. Prechter, known for predicting the 1987 stock market crash, joins a growing coterie of market heavyweights in forecasting the United States will lose its top credit rating as the government issues trillions of dollars in debt to fund efforts to bail out the economy. Fears about the long-term vulnerability of the prized U.S. credit rating came to the fore after Standard & Poor's in May lowered its outlook on Britain, threatening the UK's top AAA rating. That move raised fears that the United States could face a similar risk, with the hefty amounts of government debt issued in both countries to pay for financial rescues causing budget deficits to swell...Despite the government and Federal Reserve's massive rescues for financial companies and securities markets, Prechter expects credit markets to clam up again as they did in the first phase of the global financial crisis and for the U.S. economy to sink into a depression. Although U.S. banks' recently passed government "stress tests" that assessed the adequacy of their capital levels to absorb losses and have been able to raise some capital in debt and equity markets, "the banking sector is in severe trouble," as more loans turn bad, he said. The economy "is obviously heading toward a depression," despite the government's efforts to dodge one, said Prechter. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke has not averted a re-run of the 1930s Great Depression, even though investors are becoming firmly convinced that the Fed has avoided disaster and that the economy has hit bottom. "It's the next leg down (in stocks) that will make it clear that these things are not true," Prechter said.
The implications of the U.S. government's sovereign debt rating being downgraded cannot be underestimated. Even if the ratings agencies shift their "outlook" to negative, the consequences could be severe. We should pay careful attention as the next several months unfold to see if there is any appearance of political pressure on the independent ratings agencies to maintain both the AAA rating and a Positive Outlook for U.S. sovereign debt. It will be ironic, considering the fact that the present administration has levied substantial criticism against the ratings agencies for playing favorites and turning a blind eye on corporate credit ratings in the past. But nobody has ever accused politicians of being above some good old fashioned hypocrisy.
So when the credit rating is cut, interest rates will skyrocket. There will be major crowding-out as the Treasury tries to keep itself afloat in the private debt market. There will be increasing pressure on the Federal Reserve (and increasingly will call its independence into question) to engage in yet more quantitative easing, which can and will only lead to inflation. There is no other course. The only other alternative is for the current Congress and Administration to radically reverse course on spending policy, something that has about as small a chance of happening as Mahmoud Ahmadinejad voluntarily stepping down as President of Iran.
Higher rates or inflation (or both, which is what is most likely), far from boding well for a recovery, are merely further circumstances that call into doubt these fantasy claims of recovery.
Inflation / Staglation & the British Canary
The Consumer Prices Index (CPI) - the Government's preferred measure of inflation - fell to a 16-month low of 2.2pc from 2.3pc in April, but it was a smaller fall than City economists had predicted. However, that had been anticipated and factored into economists' forecasts, and it was the so-called discretionary spending categories which prevented the expected fall in inflation..."We continue to see upward pressure in 'high street' prices and we continue to attribute this in part to the sharp depreciation in sterling seen over the past quarters, notwithstanding the significant rally posted in recent weeks," said David Page, economist at Investec. Inflation has now come in above economists' expectations in five of the past seven months.
It should be noted that it was the Bank of England that first embarked on the policy of quantitative easing in the Developed World. That inflation has now several times surprised economists' expectations in the UK should not surprise those of us who believe in sound money. It is almost humorous that these economists are baffled by the twin prospects of inflation and economic contraction, as if they have a completely blocked out the lessons of 1970s stagflation. For Gordon Brown and the already beleaguered Labour Party, the Winter of Discontent should haunt their dreams. Nevertheless, the rest of the world, at least those whose futures are tied to the Dollar, should take note: quantitative easing has consequences. Either we will sustain severe stagflation or else the Federal Reserve will be forced to abandon its easy money policies once again to tame the inflation beast, thrusting the American economy directly back into the throes of recession. Recession of course is the best medicine for malinvestments, and had the government permitted the recession to run its course, we would at least be closer to the path to recovery. Instead, government and Federal Reserve policies tried to avoid the pain of recession by manipulating the markets with massive infusions of cash which will either have to be pulled out or allowed to run their course.
The further problem we should observe in this situation is that avoiding a further massive contraction becomes ever-more costly. For it is not only a matter of leaving the current inflationary dollars in the system that is required to keep the economy on life support, it is the need to continually feed the monster with more and more newly-minted money. Virtually any policy pursued by the Federal Reserve at this point will have adverse circumstances.
Conclusion
So what's an investor/entrepreneur to do? The answer is to look to the handful of countries pursuing responsible economic policies. The trouble is, you won't find many. The Developed World has gotten itself into a position where it bet everything on Red 15 and the roulette ball landed on Black 7. Doubling down on its debts in the hope that the new bets would pay off has only doubled downed the consequences (both immediate and long-term) of our current unpleasantness. There is plenty of capital sitting on the sidelines today, and it has to have a place to go. Developing Countries with stable monetary systems offer some haven for investors looking to escape the uneasiness of the over-leveraged developed world. Emerging market equities in Asia, and Latin America's stable countries have a far greater chance of holding the value and outperforming investments in the developed world not only in the short-term, but over time.
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